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After Nalchik events on October, 13-14th as one of next probable places of political destabilization they quite often refer to Cherkessk city. Such forecasts are connected mainly with the ending of the loud litigation in КCR where one of the accused is the son-in-law of the president of the republic Mustafa Batdyev - Aly Kaitov. In the conflict that became the reason for the process, which lasts over year, two political wings of Karachai public were involved.

Karachais (ethnic relatives of Balkarians) are dominating group in КCR, and their split in itself complicates the political situation in the region. Any result of the process - both justification, and condemnation of the accused - would generate splash of discontent inside of one of the Karachai groups. In November of the last year such discontent had already twice led to storming of the governmental and presidential residences in Cherkessk.

Karachaevo-Circassia in many respects is similar to Kabardino-Balkaria. It is also a "two-subject" republic though its ethnic scheme is a mirror turned quite the other way: Circassians (people of Adygeyan group) make their minority, and Karachais, on the contrary, dominate. In КCR a great part of Russian population that quantitatively only last years had conceded Karachais is kept. But it differs with almost full absence of political activity.

The reason for the last year's mass indignation in КCR was an inter-Karachai conflict which basis as they assume, could be repartition of property. Initiators of it, on one of the versions, were close relatives of president Batdyev, whom one and a half year ago Moscow had supported (and continues to support) as "the progressive technological politician". In effect, all the current political conflicts in КCR "grow" from the summer elections of 2003.

By the non-official tradition, the first post in KCR belongs to ethnic Karachais. At the elections in the summer of 2003 (two rounds, in June and August) Karachai Batdyev resisted to the operating president Karachai Vladimir Semenov and Karachai Islam Burlakov. Semenov without any outstanding success ruled in KCR since 1998, completely replaced several governments but could not achieve growth of economic parameters, distribution of radical Islam among youth.

Moreover, in Semenov’s environment there were people who stood at the roots of the radical Islamic movement in Caucasus. Both in Cherkessk, and in the Kremlin they with suspicion concerned to Chechen ties of Semenov. Semenov was married an ethnic Chechen woman who openly lobbied Chechen Diaspora’s interests in KCR. Some experts considered her to be involved in some corruption schemes of the times of the first campaign in Chechen Republic.

The second Batdyev’s contender was Islam Burlakov who headed (and heads now) the Supreme Court of the republic. Burlakov had not any chances for independent victory and intended to block with another candidate against the winner.

The Circassian elite - in particular, the head of the group of companies "Mercury" Stanislav Derev - in elections of 2003 did not participate but supported Batdyev. Now relations between Batdyev and Derev are rather tense.

But the main political problem of Batdyev is the criminal proceeding against his son-in-law. In the autumn of the last year in a corporate camping of the joint-stock company "Kavkazcement" (one of which shareholders was the son-in-law of the president Aly Kaitov) the deputy of KCR parliament Rasul Bogatyryov and 6 young Krachais were killed. Under the version of the relatives of victims, the murder was committed in connection to and during "unfriendly" absorption of the Circassian chemical plant of Tsahilov’s name by Aly Kaitov.

The situation was aggravated during investigation with the murder of KCR vice-premier Ansar Tebuev, who shortly before his death had accused Aly Kaitov in corruption and ties with criminal business. After Tebuev’s death investigation stopped for some weeks. As a result relatives of the killed began picketing of the republican administration and put forward all over again their requirement of arrest Kaitov, and then - resignation of the operating president. The culmination of the opposition became a storm of the governmental residence on November, 9th, 2004.

After that investigation was taken under the control by the State Office of Public Prosecutor and the SFD administration. In the first months of the process there were some reasons to believe that it could cause changing of KCR administration. But personnel rearrangements were limited within the management of power structures. By the present moment, despite of requirements of the opposition, it is quite probable that Aly Kaitov would appear justified. That can lead to renewal of protest actions.

KCR, with some certain favourable differences from its neighbours, remains a very poor region where some areas have roads and houses that remind of Chechen Republic destroyed during the war. Besides there are already the whole auls professing the radical form of Islam. Those communities possessing fine network communications, and in process of loss of authority by operating state bodies could become the real centers of political activity of the population. Rate of growth of their popularity is much greater than the rate in which the process on Kaitov’s case goes even after its withdrawal to the federal authorities.

On official statistics, in KCR there are approximately 200 “Wahhabists” (people professing "pure Islam" and being for that reason under "vigilant supervision" and "preventive pressure" of militias). The real number of fundamentalists reaches 1,5-2 thousand and steadily grows due to youth. In a number of settlements of KCR well-organized and armed "Wahhabists" have already occupied its niche in the criminal world, as a matter of fact, having subordinated to itself the bottom level of the criminal networks. Besides in KCR there is a plenty of sympathizing, which not consider themselves as members of djamaats but recognizing authority of imams not connected with the KCR Spiritual management of Moslems.

Radical imamate of Karachai was founded in 1990 by the figure of "Islamic party of revival" Magomed Bedjiev (Bedji-ulu). He proclaimed himself imam of Karachai, founded his own mosque in one of billiard rooms of Karachaevsk. Bedji-ulu was in contact with adherents in Chechen Republic, Dagestan and the Near East. Already by the end 1990 he left Karachai djamaat and went to Moscow where got a post in the environment of the Supreme mufti of Russia Talgat Tadjutdin. His place in the djamaat was occupied by a certain Ramazan Borlokov, the imam of one of Uchkeken mosques, who declared himself amir and who opened on money of Near-Eastern sponsors his own medrese where they taught listeners Islam distinct from the traditional religion. It is considered that shortly before the beginning of the second war in Chechen Republic Borlakov found contact to the known field commander Hattab who by then opened training camps near settlements Serzhen-Jurt (Chechen Republic).

In total through Hattab’s camps and in consequence through hearth of war, by estimation of the local observers, from 300 up to 700 natives of KCR passed. From among them Borlakov formed "Karachai battalion" which took part in the second war in Chechen Republic. Under the official version, among fighters of that battalion there was Achimez Gochijaev (Fox), accused in explosions of houses in Moscow in autumn of 1999. According to that version, after the Moscow explosions Gochijaev returned in KCR and for some time lived in Karachaevsk, was involved in series of terrorist acts, including in Pyatigorsk, and then, after several successful KCR competent bodies’ operations against him, he disappeared abroad. About the place of Gochijaev’s residing since 2002 it is not known, as it is not informed about his death. In the end of 2004 there was unchecked data that Gochijaev was alive, alternately being in Chechen Republic and in the territory of KCR and prepared new acts of terrorism.

Next leader of Karachai djamaat after Ramazan Borlokov who, on unchecked data, was killed in 2000 in Chechen Republic, was Hizir Salpagarov. It is considered that Salpagarov built the scheme of interaction with radical and militant djamaats of Karachaevo-Circassia and Kabardino-Balkaria. He, and Kabardino-Balkarian Moslems brothers Aslan (Assadullu) and Ruslan Bekkaevs were considered as authors of the series of synchronous explosions on March, 24th, 2001.

It is typical that the djamaats are network organizations, therefore arrest and neutralization of their separate members and even leaders mean too little for disorganization of the management of the underground. For today in KCR in particular the “Third djamaat of Karachaevo-Circassia” continues to exist; it also gathered some veterans of "Karachai battalion".

On that background in KCR there is a aggravation of interethnic contradictions generated by the started municipal reform according to the federal law # 131. That law (with which final realization the State Duma has recently decided to wait a little till 2009) revived in Northern Caucasus a lot of ethno-territorial disputes, already died away in the beginning of 1990s. The first precedent had arisen just in Karachaevo-Circassia in the winter of 2004-2005. If the last autumn mutiny in Cherkessk was an expression of the inter-Karachai conflict, this time the interests practically of all ethnic groups living in the republic collided: Karachais, Nogais, Abazins and Circassians.

Right before the New Year KCR parliament passed the law "About establishment of borders of municipal formations in the territory of Ust-Dzhegutinsky area and giving them corresponding powers". The law at once was appealed against in court by Abazins who in the republic make about 5 percent of the population. It was found out that on the new map of the area from Abazin aul Kubina in favour of Karachai town of Ust-Dzhegut they took away 1120 hectares of land - just where one of the world's largest hothouse facilities, provided Kubina inhabitants with workplaces is located.

On June, 22nd, 2005 the Supreme Court of Russia decided to leave the law without change. Then Abazins held a meeting of protest on the central square of Cherkessk. On June, 29th at the extraordinary session of the parliament they tried to reconsider the law but the session was broken by demonstrators who rushed in the hall. Dmitry Kozak interfered in the situation. As a result, on July, 10th they decided to reconsider the law and create in KCR two national areas - Abazin and Nogaisky. Thus Nogais managed to reach the purpose by means of Abazins, as a matter of fact, they did not take part in demonstrations. They also apply for territory in the Adyge-Hablsky area occupied basically by Circassians.

The local parliament had already adopted a number of documents that should facilitate process of creation of new areas. The local referendum on creation of Abazin area takes place on December, 25th, 2005. The referendum on Nogaisky area is not dated yet. The basic technical difficulties are connected mainly with that as Abazin, and Nogai settlements do not form in territory of the republic any conjoint enclave.

But that project also has thorough political defects. First, it is not a fact that creation of two new areas would occur at silent approval of other ethnic groups. Second, success of Abazins and Nogais can provoke further ethnic protests, and not only in Karachaevo-Circassia. Inside KCR a part of Circassians and even Russians are ready to demand creation of their territorial autonomies, too.

apn.ru (in reduction)

Опубликовал administrator, 26-11-2005, 18:32. Просмотров: 735
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